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The enthusiasm for proselytising drew all the major Christian churches into the Chinese life of the city. The Presbyterians, who had held Chinese services since the s, became very active under the Reverend John Young Wai, who, among other things, translated Sankey's hymn book into Cantonese.

But many Chinese were not religious, Christian or otherwise, and politically too, the community was diverse. With family and friends frequently moving between both places, the future of the motherland was immediately relevant for many of Sydney's Chinese. By the early twentieth century, a number of Chinese language newspapers published in Sydney were actively arguing over both local issues and the dramatic evolution of politics in China.

In business ventures and on issues such as immigration regulations, Chinese leaders of all persuasions were capable of acting in concert for their common good, but when it came to Chinese politics, there were obvious divides. Pro-republican elements were in part historically linked to the older nineteenth century Yee Hings, or the Hung League of secret societies triads dedicated to the overthrow of the Manchus.

Though traditionally believed to be less than respectable, these groups repositioned themselves by the early twentieth century to be more acceptable to wider Chinese society. The movement went public in , setting up offices in Surry Hills, and in it adopted the Anglo name of Chinese Masonic Society when it moved to new premises in Mary Street, Surry Hills.

This building became the national headquarters for all Yee Hings, and this address remains the headquarters of the society today. Its early leaders Moy Sing and J. While some of Sydney's Chinese responded with dismay to the ' double tenth ' 10 October uprising of the republican forces in southern China, most hoisted the new republican flag. The following January marked the first of many annual picnics at Cabarita and other harbour spots to celebrate the new Chinese nation, occasions that were always an excuse for exploding firecrackers in time-honoured Chinese fashion.

According to the pro-republican Chinese Australian Times , building temples in Sydney was backward-looking, and pro-republican clan groups, such as the Chung Shan Society, were more likely to raise money for schools and hospitals, supporting these institutions both in Sydney and China. Dr Sun Yat Sen , political leader of the republican movement, was conscious that overseas Chinese were a potential source of support and finance, especially if cultural connections were kept alive, and he encouraged the establishment of Chinese-language schools, such as that opened in Elizabeth Street, Sydney in Many of Sydney's Chinese originated from the same Chung Shan village as Dr Sun, and until his death in , Dalton Gokbo Bo Liu liked to stress the close connection by telling the tale of visiting Sun's home with his father William Uncle Billy Liu in when he was secretary of the Sydney branch of the Kuomintang.

In a re-formed Kuomintang was setting up branches around the world, and in a convention with delegates from Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific met in Sydney. There was wide coverage in the English language press in Sydney, and a fine welcoming reception aboard the SS Victoria , of the recently formed ambitious China-Australia Mail Steamship Line. But China did not prosper, the local steamship line quickly succumbed to a freight pricing war designed to squeeze it out of the market, and over the next decades continuing immigration restrictions generated a plethora of sad stories of people smuggling gone wrong, and harassment by authorities.

Lonely old men were unable to marry, unable to return to an increasingly chaotic China and unable to assimilate into the Sydney scene.

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They are remembered as the 'left-overs', sitting out their days in meagre lodgings in Chinatown. The ongoing primacy of the Sydney community was recognised by the relocation of China's consul-general from Melbourne to Sydney in Sydney's Chinese population held more or less steady, but as the rest of the nation's Chinese communities shrank in size, there was a general sense of contraction.

Perhaps the only upbeat part of the Sydney Chinese story in these decades was the spectacular success of a few of the canniest of the fruit traders. While the Great Depression of the s had a negative effect on the trading of many market gardeners and stallholders, a few firms were able to consolidate. When the City Council constructed new market buildings closer to Darling Harbour in the early years of the twentieth century, the Chinese traders followed.

Dixon Street emerged as the hub of Sydney's third Chinatown. A few firms successfully built on their wealth by trading back into China. With little incentive to invest in the hostile local economy, apparently modest establishments in Chinatown were in fact the headquarters of the substantial trading empires of the Wing On , Wing Sang, Tiy Sang and the interlocking Sang On Tiy companies.

Wing Sang, for example, began trading Fijian bananas into Sydney's markets in the s, and eventually established a department store, allegedly along the lines of Sydney's Anthony Hordern's , in Hong Kong in Branches in Canton and Shanghai followed, and by the s, the Wing Sang Company was involved in banking, hotels and various manufacturing enterprises.

The Wing On firm similarly grew out of fruit trading in the Haymarket to become a multi-faceted business empire. Back in Sydney, the little Chinese community was realigning itself as the politics of China rapidly shifted. The republicans, led by General Chiang Kai-shek , were now pitted against emerging communist forces under Mao Tse Tung , and gradually the Kuomintang came to represent more conservative elements.

But the local Chinese community knew the Kuomintang, and in a local context of hostility to communism it remained the dominant social and political organisation. Although all the Chinese organisations in Sydney knew where they lined up politically, all of them were also on the side of China. This primary loyalty was never understood by the local intelligence agencies, which frequently failed to unravel and make sense of political connections in the Chinese community.

All the active Chinese organisations provided social outlets through concerts, Cantonese opera , and film nights. Many ordinary Chinese were happy to go wherever they found companionship and solace in a hostile community firmly convinced of its own racial superiority and of the wisdom of 'White Australia'. In an oral interview given in , an elderly Chinese waterside worker, Albert Leong, summed it up well.

Overtly Communist and well read in communist literature, he was involved politically in the Chinese Youth League, but he also went to the temple in Glebe 'just a social gathering' , to cemetery days at Rookwood 'a bit of a picnic' , to dances put on by the Kuomintang on the last Wednesday in the month, and to church at Surry Hills. In the dark days of the s, with Australia favouring Japan in trade and ignoring Japan's expansionary plans for China and the Pacific, the Sydney Chinese community was ever anxious to educate the rest.

This was the impetus for the George Ernest Morrison Lecture established by William Liu in , and for a number of books and pamphlets written to put the Chinese case. The Japanese invasion of Nanking in unified the Chinese community. They put on an extravagant Chinese Festival at the Sydney Showgrounds the following year, during the sesquicentenary celebrations of the arrival of Europeans in Sydney in This spectacular event got rave reviews in the mainstream newspapers.

The police estimated there were 40, people, with another 10, turned away, while the Sydney Morning Herald reported that 'tramway men said they had never seen anything like the pressure of people'. This involvement of the Chinese community in 'the Sesqui' was partly about alerting Sydneysiders to China's plight and partly about raising money.

Seasoned organiser of Chinese events Albert Cumines, of the long established Rocks firm of King Nam Jang, recalled in the s that the Chinese spectacular, which 'coincided' with the sesquicentenary, was so popular that it was repeated on a following evening. In the face of Japanese aggression, elements of Sydney's Chinese community made the closest political links they had ever had with sections of the mainstream community that condemned Japan.

Left-wing unions supported boycotts of Japanese goods and waterside workers refused to load ships bound for Japan. Chinese seamen deserting Japan-bound ships were sheltered from the authorities. When workers refused to load pig iron on the Dalfram at Port Kembla , south of Sydney, in , Fred Wong, who was a member of the Trades and Labor Council's 'Hands off China Campaign', collected truckloads of fruit and vegetables from the Sydney markets and drove them down to the striking workers.

The following year Wong became the first president of the newly formed Chinese Youth League. Australia belatedly got the message. Many of Sydney's Chinese joined the Australian armed forces, as the Chinese war memorial in Chinatown attests. The local conditions generated by the Second World War were crucial to the slow collapse of the White Australia policy and many Chinese organised carefully to maximise their chances.

At the outbreak of the Pacific war, many Chinese seamen walked off their ships in Sydney, and after the bombing of Pearl Harbor, they deserted in droves. As well as working for better conditions for seamen, all of these organisations were involved in concealing deserters, falsifying papers and finding unobtrusive jobs. By reluctant shippers were required to pay Chinese seamen the basic wage plus wartime bonuses.

At the same time, labour shortages in Sydney encouraged others not to go to sea at all and it was officially estimated that around seamen were illegally on shore. Some were gaoled and deported, but more were skilfully 'disappeared' into the general community. Employers desperate for workers did not ask too many questions, and even the state was complicit, with several hundred former seamen working on the construction of Warragamba Dam between and Documents restricting work options for legitimate residents were less frequently checked, and refugees arriving from the Pacific and from New Guinea were free to work anywhere.

During and immediately after the war increasing numbers of Chinese were readily changing jobs and getting away with it, which helped build community tolerance and resistance to the immigration employment restrictions. So too did a newfound interest in Chinese cuisine, as diners took their cue from American soldiers on leave who appreciated Chinese restaurants previously ignored by non-Chinese Sydneysiders.

The establishment of the People's Republic of China in also helped. There had been a concerted government effort to repatriate wartime refugees in , with matching efforts by the community to hide and protect people, many of whom had by now married and settled into the local scene. This policy was overturned in as the newly elected conservative Menzies government was reluctant to send wartime illegals, seamen and newly arriving refugees into the arms of a regime it was loudly condemning.

Administration of the immigration act became increasingly unpredictable, but erred on the side of leniency. Although people like Stanley Wai, of the Chinese Youth League, and Jong Ngock Bew William Jong , a secretary of the Chinese Seamen's Union, were penalised for their political actions by discriminatory one-year renewals of their papers for many years, [23] more experience was in the other direction.

For most, the turn of events in China was not welcome. Members of the Chinese Youth League ran through the streets with a home-made red flag with five golden stars, but only about people attended the official celebration picnic in the Royal National Park , and in the cold war s, many Chinese felt the chill. Contact with home was limited, and the restless travelling to and fro ceased altogether.

No new immigrants came. Anyone on the left side of politics was looked on with suspicion and under constant surveillance. Arthur Gar Locke Chang, recalling that advice from China was to lie low, not march on May Day and not rock the boat, described these times as 'lonely, isolated, prosecuted and persecuted'.

After Chinese students began arriving under the Colombo Plan from Singapore, Malaya and Hong Kong, and while many returned to become part of the educated elite of Southeast Asia, many stayed, married, or came back in later decades. Today this group contributes to the leadership of Sydney's Chinese community. When the anti-Chinese tabloid Truth asked through its columns why Jap Kuan Wong, who had come to Sydney as a student in was still here in , the ploy backfired.

There was wide support for Jap, known as Keith Wong, who was a father of five, son of Stanley Wong, well known racing identity and a partner in Chequers Nightclub, possibly the grandest night spot in Sydney at the time. Wong and some other high-profile Chinese, including Martin Wang, the Chinese consul until , were granted citizenship in and by the following year citizenship was available to anyone with 15 years' residency.

This was reduced to five years in , and in to three years, the requirement for all immigrants. The White Australia policy was finally dead. The low profile of the Chinese community in the decades following led some commentators to believe that assimilation was inevitable.

In when the Glebe joss house was reopened after a fire, the Sydney Morning Herald observed that this might be the last such ceremony ever seen in Sydney. The lack of vitality of Chinatown was seen as further proof. But this was in part a result of the Chinese doing what everyone else was doing, deserting the city for the suburbs.

There were pockets of Chinese in the western suburbs of Concord and Ashfield, in Kensington and Kingsford to the east and in Chatswood on the lower north shore. All of these places had some links to earlier Chinese settlements, often to older market garden areas. And by the s, with all the old reasons for avoiding investment in Sydney now gone, Chinese money was turning to Sydney real estate.

The seriously rich Chen and Chan families were to the fore, with Bernard Chan, who arrived in Sydney in , buying into a moribund Chinatown as the start of his portfolio of hotels, suburban shopping centres and residential buildings. The government began funding Chinese language schools and organisations mushroomed.

Traditional district societies revived and multiplied, along with organisations of Chinese academics, creative associations, homes for the elderly and children's facilities. In the Australian Chinese Community Association was set up as an umbrella body to advocate to government for the Chinese community. It was located in Mary Street in the old Chinese precinct of Cantonese language programs commenced on radio 2EA in Daily Chinese language newspapers grew in number and in circulation.

By the end of the decade, Dixon Street, a precinct no longer associated with the markets, received a facelift and became a pedestrian mall, complete with damen arched entrance. At one level this was a contrived piece of 'Chinese-ing' by the City Council, but it worked. Property values rose, Chinese organisations repositioned themselves there, and everyone enjoyed visiting Chinatown for a meal.

The gift of extensive Chinese Gardens in by Sydney's sister city of Guangzhou enhanced the locality. Lion dances, long since gone from the streets of Sydney, returned, and appeared in the suburbs too. Dragon boat races, first organised by the Sing Tao newspaper in , became a feature of the city's calendar.

The number of people who visit the various cemeteries for the August Moon and Qing Ming festivals grows annually. In June Chinese and non-Chinese stood shoulder to shoulder in the rain in Sydney Square listening to speeches in English and Chinese, following what has become known as the Tiananmen Square Massacre in Beijing.

Since then, immigration numbers have risen steadily, with greater numbers of Mandarin-speaking people from mainland China joining the older Cantonese-speaking community.

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